Remarks by the President to the UN General Assembly

United Nations Headquarters
New York, New York 

10:22 A.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT:  Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentleman:  I would like to begin today by telling you about an American named Chris Stevens.

Chris was born in a town called Grass Valley, California, the son of a lawyer and a musician.  As a young man, Chris joined the Peace Corps, and taught English in Morocco.  And he came to love and respect the people of North Africa and the Middle East. He would carry that commitment throughout his life.  As a diplomat, he worked from Egypt to Syria, from Saudi Arabia to Libya.  He was known for walking the streets of the cities where he worked -- tasting the local food, meeting as many people as he could, speaking Arabic, listening with a broad smile. 

Chris went to Benghazi in the early days of the Libyan revolution, arriving on a cargo ship.  As America’s representative, he helped the Libyan people as they coped with violent conflict, cared for the wounded, and crafted a vision for the future in which the rights of all Libyans would be respected. And after the revolution, he supported the birth of a new democracy, as Libyans held elections, and built new institutions, and began to move forward after decades of dictatorship.

Chris Stevens loved his work.  He took pride in the country he served, and he saw dignity in the people that he met.  And two weeks ago, he traveled to Benghazi to review plans to establish a new cultural center and modernize a hospital.  That’s when America’s compound came under attack.  Along with three of his colleagues, Chris was killed in the city that he helped to save. He was 52 years old. 

I tell you this story because Chris Stevens embodied the best of America.  Like his fellow Foreign Service officers, he built bridges across oceans and cultures, and was deeply invested in the international cooperation that the United Nations represents.  He acted with humility, but he also stood up for a set of principles -- a belief that individuals should be free to determine their own destiny, and live with liberty, dignity, justice, and opportunity. 

The attacks on the civilians in Benghazi were attacks on America.  We are grateful for the assistance we received from the Libyan government and from the Libyan people.  There should be no doubt that we will be relentless in tracking down the killers and bringing them to justice.  And I also appreciate that in recent days, the leaders of other countries in the region -- including Egypt, Tunisia and Yemen -- have taken steps to secure our diplomatic facilities, and called for calm.  And so have religious authorities around the globe.

But understand, the attacks of the last two weeks are not simply an assault on America.  They are also an assault on the very ideals upon which the United Nations was founded -- the notion that people can resolve their differences peacefully; that diplomacy can take the place of war; that in an interdependent world, all of us have a stake in working towards greater opportunity and security for our citizens.

If we are serious about upholding these ideals, it will not be enough to put more guards in front of an embassy, or to put out statements of regret and wait for the outrage to pass.  If we are serious about these ideals, we must speak honestly about the deeper causes of the crisis -- because we face a choice between the forces that would drive us apart and the hopes that we hold in common.

Today, we must reaffirm that our future will be determined by people like Chris Stevens -- and not by his killers.  Today, we must declare that this violence and intolerance has no place among our United Nations.

It has been less than two years since a vendor in Tunisia set himself on fire to protest the oppressive corruption in his country, and sparked what became known as the Arab Spring.  And since then, the world has been captivated by the transformation that’s taken place, and the United States has supported the forces of change.

We were inspired by the Tunisian protests that toppled a dictator, because we recognized our own beliefs in the aspiration of men and women who took to the streets.

We insisted on change in Egypt, because our support for democracy ultimately put us on the side of the people. 

We supported a transition of leadership in Yemen, because the interests of the people were no longer being served by a corrupt status quo.

We intervened in Libya alongside a broad coalition, and with the mandate of the United Nations Security Council, because we had the ability to stop the slaughter of innocents, and because we believed that the aspirations of the people were more powerful than a tyrant.

And as we meet here, we again declare that the regime of Bashar al-Assad must come to an end so that the suffering of the Syrian people can stop and a new dawn can begin.

We have taken these positions because we believe that freedom and self-determination are not unique to one culture.  These are not simply American values or Western values -- they are universal values.  And even as there will be huge challenges to come with a transition to democracy, I am convinced that ultimately government of the people, by the people, and for the people is more likely to bring about the stability, prosperity, and individual opportunity that serve as a basis for peace in our world.

So let us remember that this is a season of progress.  For the first time in decades, Tunisians, Egyptians and Libyans voted for new leaders in elections that were credible, competitive, and fair.  This democratic spirit has not been restricted to the Arab world.  Over the past year, we’ve seen peaceful transitions of power in Malawi and Senegal, and a new President in Somalia.  In Burma, a President has freed political prisoners and opened a closed society, a courageous dissident has been elected to parliament, and people look forward to further reform.  Around the globe, people are making their voices heard, insisting on their innate dignity, and the right to determine their future.

And yet the turmoil of recent weeks reminds us that the path to democracy does not end with the casting of a ballot.  Nelson Mandela once said:  "To be free is not merely to cast off one’s chains, but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others."  (Applause.) 

True democracy demands that citizens cannot be thrown in jail because of what they believe, and that businesses can be opened without paying a bribe.  It depends on the freedom of citizens to speak their minds and assemble without fear, and on the rule of law and due process that guarantees the rights of all people.

In other words, true democracy -- real freedom -- is hard work.  Those in power have to resist the temptation to crack down on dissidents.  In hard economic times, countries must be tempted -- may be tempted to rally the people around perceived enemies, at home and abroad, rather than focusing on the painstaking work of reform.

Moreover, there will always be those that reject human progress -- dictators who cling to power, corrupt interests that depend on the status quo, and extremists who fan the flames of hate and division.  From Northern Ireland to South Asia, from Africa to the Americas, from the Balkans to the Pacific Rim, we’ve witnessed convulsions that can accompany transitions to a new political order. 

At time, the conflicts arise along the fault lines of race or tribe.  And often they arise from the difficulties of reconciling tradition and faith with the diversity and interdependence of the modern world.  In every country, there are those who find different religious beliefs threatening; in every culture, those who love freedom for themselves must ask themselves how much they’re willing to tolerate freedom for others.

That is what we saw play out in the last two weeks, as a crude and disgusting video sparked outrage throughout the Muslim world.  Now, I have made it clear that the United States government had nothing to do with this video, and I believe its message must be rejected by all who respect our common humanity.
It is an insult not only to Muslims, but to America as well -- for as the city outside these walls makes clear, we are a country that has welcomed people of every race and every faith.  We are home to Muslims who worship across our country.  We not only respect the freedom of religion, we have laws that protect individuals from being harmed because of how they look or what they believe.  We understand why people take offense to this video because millions of our citizens are among them.

I know there are some who ask why we don’t just ban such a video.  And the answer is enshrined in our laws:  Our Constitution protects the right to practice free speech. 

Here in the United States, countless publications provoke offense.  Like me, the majority of Americans are Christian, and yet we do not ban blasphemy against our most sacred beliefs.  As President of our country and Commander-in-Chief of our military, I accept that people are going to call me awful things every day -- (laughter) -- and I will always defend their right to do so.  (Applause.) 

Americans have fought and died around the globe to protect the right of all people to express their views, even views that we profoundly disagree with.  We do not do so because we support hateful speech, but because our founders understood that without such protections, the capacity of each individual to express their own views and practice their own faith may be threatened.  We do so because in a diverse society, efforts to restrict speech can quickly become a tool to silence critics and oppress minorities. 

We do so because given the power of faith in our lives, and the passion that religious differences can inflame, the strongest weapon against hateful speech is not repression; it is more speech -- the voices of tolerance that rally against bigotry and blasphemy, and lift up the values of understanding and mutual respect.

Now, I know that not all countries in this body share this particular understanding of the protection of free speech.  We recognize that.  But in 2012, at a time when anyone with a cell phone can spread offensive views around the world with the click of a button, the notion that we can control the flow of information is obsolete.  The question, then, is how do we respond? 

And on this we must agree:  There is no speech that justifies mindless violence.  (Applause.)  There are no words that excuse the killing of innocents.  There's no video that justifies an attack on an embassy.  There's no slander that provides an excuse for people to burn a restaurant in Lebanon, or destroy a school in Tunis, or cause death and destruction in Pakistan. 

In this modern world with modern technologies, for us to respond in that way to hateful speech empowers any individual who engages in such speech to create chaos around the world.  We empower the worst of us if that’s how we respond. 

More broadly, the events of the last two weeks also speak to the need for all of us to honestly address the tensions between the West and the Arab world that is moving towards democracy. 

Now, let me be clear:  Just as we cannot solve every problem in the world, the United States has not and will not seek to dictate the outcome of democratic transitions abroad.  We do not expect other nations to agree with us on every issue, nor do we assume that the violence of the past weeks or the hateful speech by some individuals represent the views of the overwhelming majority of Muslims, any more than the views of the people who produced this video represents those of Americans.  However, I do believe that it is the obligation of all leaders in all countries to speak out forcefully against violence and extremism.  (Applause.) 

It is time to marginalize those who -- even when not directly resorting to violence -- use hatred of America, or the West, or Israel, as the central organizing principle of politics. For that only gives cover, and sometimes makes an excuse, for those who do resort to violence.

That brand of politics -- one that pits East against West, and South against North, Muslims against Christians and Hindu and Jews -- can’t deliver on the promise of freedom.  To the youth, it offers only false hope.  Burning an American flag does nothing to provide a child an education.  Smashing apart a restaurant does not fill an empty stomach.  Attacking an embassy won’t create a single job.  That brand of politics only makes it harder to achieve what we must do together:  educating our children, and creating the opportunities that they deserve; protecting human rights, and extending democracy’s promise.

Understand America will never retreat from the world.  We will bring justice to those who harm our citizens and our friends, and we will stand with our allies.  We are willing to partner with countries around the world to deepen ties of trade and investment, and science and technology, energy and development -- all efforts that can spark economic growth for all our people and stabilize democratic change. 

But such efforts depend on a spirit of mutual interest and mutual respect.  No government or company, no school or NGO will be confident working in a country where its people are endangered.  For partnerships to be effective our citizens must be secure and our efforts must be welcomed.

A politics based only on anger -- one based on dividing the world between "us" and "them" -- not only sets back international cooperation, it ultimately undermines those who tolerate it.  All of us have an interest in standing up to these forces. 

Let us remember that Muslims have suffered the most at the hands of extremism.  On the same day our civilians were killed in Benghazi, a Turkish police officer was murdered in Istanbul only days before his wedding; more than 10 Yemenis were killed in a car bomb in Sana’a; several Afghan children were mourned by their parents just days after they were killed by a suicide bomber in Kabul.

The impulse towards intolerance and violence may initially be focused on the West, but over time it cannot be contained.  The same impulses toward extremism are used to justify war between Sunni and Shia, between tribes and clans.  It leads not to strength and prosperity but to chaos.  In less than two years, we have seen largely peaceful protests bring more change to Muslim-majority countries than a decade of violence.  And extremists understand this.  Because they have nothing to offer to improve the lives of people, violence is their only way to stay relevant.  They don’t build; they only destroy.

It is time to leave the call of violence and the politics of division behind.  On so many issues, we face a choice between the promise of the future, or the prisons of the past.  And we cannot afford to get it wrong.  We must seize this moment.  And America stands ready to work with all who are willing to embrace a better future.

The future must not belong to those who target Coptic Christians in Egypt -- it must be claimed by those in Tahrir Square who chanted, "Muslims, Christians, we are one."  The future must not belong to those who bully women -- it must be shaped by girls who go to school, and those who stand for a world where our daughters can live their dreams just like our sons.  (Applause.) 

The future must not belong to those corrupt few who steal a country’s resources -- it must be won by the students and entrepreneurs, the workers and business owners who seek a broader prosperity for all people.  Those are the women and men that America stands with; theirs is the vision we will support. 
 
The future must not belong to those who slander the prophet of Islam.  But to be credible, those who condemn that slander must also condemn the hate we see in the images of Jesus Christ that are desecrated, or churches that are destroyed, or the Holocaust that is denied.  (Applause.)

Let us condemn incitement against Sufi Muslims and Shiite pilgrims.  It’s time to heed the words of Gandhi:  "Intolerance is itself a form of violence and an obstacle to the growth of a true democratic spirit."  (Applause.)  Together, we must work towards a world where we are strengthened by our differences, and not defined by them.  That is what America embodies, that’s the vision we will support.

Among Israelis and Palestinians, the future must not belong to those who turn their backs on a prospect of peace.  Let us leave behind those who thrive on conflict, those who reject the right of Israel to exist.  The road is hard, but the destination is clear -- a secure, Jewish state of Israel and an independent, prosperous Palestine.  (Applause.)  Understanding that such a peace must come through a just agreement between the parties, America will walk alongside all who are prepared to make that journey.

In Syria, the future must not belong to a dictator who massacres his people.  If there is a cause that cries out for protest in the world today, peaceful protest, it is a regime that tortures children and shoots rockets at apartment buildings.  And we must remain engaged to assure that what began with citizens demanding their rights does not end in a cycle of sectarian violence. 

Together, we must stand with those Syrians who believe in a different vision -- a Syria that is united and inclusive, where children don’t need to fear their own government, and all Syrians have a say in how they are governed -- Sunnis and Alawites, Kurds and Christians.  That’s what America stands for.  That is the outcome that we will work for -- with sanctions and consequences for those who persecute, and assistance and support for those who work for this common good.  Because we believe that the Syrians who embrace this vision will have the strength and the legitimacy to lead.

In Iran, we see where the path of a violent and unaccountable ideology leads.  The Iranian people have a remarkable and ancient history, and many Iranians wish to enjoy peace and prosperity alongside their neighbors.  But just as it restricts the rights of its own people, the Iranian government continues to prop up a dictator in Damascus and supports terrorist groups abroad.  Time and again, it has failed to take the opportunity to demonstrate that its nuclear program is peaceful, and to meet its obligations to the United Nations.

So let me be clear.  America wants to resolve this issue through diplomacy, and we believe that there is still time and space to do so.  But that time is not unlimited.  We respect the right of nations to access peaceful nuclear power, but one of the purposes of the United Nations is to see that we harness that power for peace.  And make no mistake, a nuclear-armed Iran is not a challenge that can be contained.  It would threaten the elimination of Israel, the security of Gulf nations, and the stability of the global economy.  It risks triggering a nuclear-arms race in the region, and the unraveling of the non-proliferation treaty.  That’s why a coalition of countries is holding the Iranian government accountable.  And that’s why the United States will do what we must to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon.

We know from painful experience that the path to security and prosperity does not lie outside the boundaries of international law and respect for human rights.  That’s why this institution was established from the rubble of conflict.  That is why liberty triumphed over tyranny in the Cold War.  And that is the lesson of the last two decades as well. 

History shows that peace and progress come to those who make the right choices.  Nations in every part of the world have traveled this difficult path.  Europe, the bloodiest battlefield of the 20th century, is united, free and at peace.  From Brazil to South Africa, from Turkey to South Korea, from India to Indonesia, people of different races, religions, and traditions have lifted millions out of poverty, while respecting the rights of their citizens and meeting their responsibilities as nations.

And it is because of the progress that I’ve witnessed in my own lifetime, the progress that I’ve witnessed after nearly four years as President, that I remain ever hopeful about the world that we live in.  The war in Iraq is over.  American troops have come home.  We’ve begun a transition in Afghanistan, and America and our allies will end our war on schedule in 2014.  Al Qaeda has been weakened, and Osama bin Laden is no more.  Nations have come together to lock down nuclear materials, and America and Russia are reducing our arsenals.  We have seen hard choices made -- from Naypyidaw to Cairo to Abidjan -- to put more power in the hands of citizens.

At a time of economic challenge, the world has come together to broaden prosperity.  Through the G20, we have partnered with emerging countries to keep the world on the path of recovery.  America has pursued a development agenda that fuels growth and breaks dependency, and worked with African leaders to help them feed their nations.  New partnerships have been forged to combat corruption and promote government that is open and transparent, and new commitments have been made through the Equal Futures Partnership to ensure that women and girls can fully participate in politics and pursue opportunity.  And later today, I will discuss our efforts to combat the scourge of human trafficking.

All these things give me hope.  But what gives me the most hope is not the actions of us, not the actions of leaders -- it is the people that I’ve seen.  The American troops who have risked their lives and sacrificed their limbs for strangers half a world away; the students in Jakarta or Seoul who are eager to use their knowledge to benefit mankind; the faces in a square in Prague or a parliament in Ghana who see democracy giving voice to their aspirations; the young people in the favelas of Rio and the schools of Mumbai whose eyes shine with promise.  These men, women, and children of every race and every faith remind me that for every angry mob that gets shown on television, there are billions around the world who share similar hopes and dreams.  They tell us that there is a common heartbeat to humanity.

So much attention in our world turns to what divides us.  That’s what we see on the news.  That's what consumes our political debates.  But when you strip it all away, people everywhere long for the freedom to determine their destiny; the dignity that comes with work; the comfort that comes with faith; and the justice that exists when governments serve their people  -- and not the other way around.

The United States of America will always stand up for these aspirations, for our own people and for people all across the world.  That was our founding purpose.  That is what our history shows.  That is what Chris Stevens worked for throughout his life.

And I promise you this:  Long after the killers are brought to justice, Chris Stevens’s legacy will live on in the lives that he touched -- in the tens of thousands who marched against violence through the streets of Benghazi; in the Libyans who changed their Facebook photo to one of Chris; in the signs that read, simply, "Chris Stevens was a friend to all Libyans."

They should give us hope.  They should remind us that so long as we work for it, justice will be done, that history is on our side, and that a rising tide of liberty will never be reversed.

Thank you very much.  (Applause.)

END          
10:16 A.M. EDT

总统：主席先生、秘书长先生、代表们、女士们先生们：今天我首先为诸位讲述一位美国人的经历，他的名字是克里斯·史蒂文斯（Chris Stevens）。

克里斯出生在加利福尼亚州格拉斯山谷镇（Grass Valley, California），父母是律师和音乐家。克里斯年轻时参加了和平队（Peace Corps），在摩洛哥教英语。他对北非和中东人民的感情和敬意油然而生。他立志终身坚持自己的这份承诺。他作为一名外交官，足迹遍及埃及、叙利亚、沙特阿拉伯、利比亚等国。人们都知道，他常常在他工作的城市深入大街小巷，尝尝当地的食品，尽可能多地与居民见面，用阿拉伯语交谈和倾听，脸上带着灿烂的笑容。

在利比亚革命初期，克里斯搭乘一艘货轮前往班加西（Benghazi）工作。他作为美国的代表，帮助利比亚人民解决暴力冲突，为伤病员提供护理，同时酝酿了未来全体利比亚人的权利都应该得到尊重的目标。革命结束后，他支持新诞生的民主政体，此时利比亚人举行了选举，努力建设新的制度，在摆脱数十年专制统治后开始奋勇向前。

克里斯热爱自己的工作。他为自己服务的国家感到骄傲。他在所见到的人们身上看见了尊严。 两个星期前，他前往班加西考察有关新建文化中心和一所医院现代化改造的计划。正在这个时候，美国使团驻地遭到袭击。克里斯曾为保全这所城市尽了力，结果和其他3 位同事在这里被害，时年52岁。

我向诸位讲述这段经历，是因为克里斯·史蒂文斯体现了美国的最佳风貌。他与其他外交服务系统（Foreign Service）的官员一样，跨越大洋和文化架桥铺路，全身心投入联合国体现的国际合作。他十分检点自己的行为，同时坚持一系列原则 ━坚信人人都应该自行决定自己的命运，过上享有自由、尊严、公正和机会的生活。

在班加西对平民的袭击就是对美国的袭击。我们感谢利比亚政府和利比亚人民给予的协助。毋庸置疑，我们将毫不留情地追查凶手，将他们绳之以法。我还感谢最近该地区其他国家─包括埃及、突尼斯和也门-- 的领导人采取行动保障我国外交设施的安全并呼吁人们保持冷静。全球各地的宗教机构也同样如此。

然而，应该知道，过去两个星期发生的袭击不仅仅针对美国，而且也攻击了创建联合国的根本理想━人们可以和平解决分歧；外交可以取代战争；在全世界相互依赖的情况下，努力为我们的公民带来更多的机会和安全与我们所有的人都息息相关。

我们如果认真坚持这些理想，就没有必要在使馆门口配备更多的警卫，也没有必要发布表示哀悼的声明，或者等待愤怒的情绪逐渐平息。我们如果认真坚持这些理想，就必须坦率地分析这场危机更深层的原因─因为我们面临着抉择，一边是助长我们分裂的势力，另一边是我们共同拥有的希望。

今天，我们必须重申，我们的未来必将由像克里斯·史蒂文斯这样的人民决定─不应该被杀害他的凶手左右。今天，我们必须宣布，这种暴力和不宽容的行为在我们联合国决无立足之地。

不到两年前，突尼斯一位小贩为抗议本国祸国殃民的腐败燃火自焚，引发了阿拉伯之春（Arab Spring）运动。从此全世界转型之风方兴未艾。美国也一贯支持变革的力量。

突尼斯的示威活动推翻了专制统治者，使我们受到鼓舞，因为我们本身也相信走上街头的男女老幼的愿望。

我们坚持埃及发生的变革，因为我们对民主的支持最终使我们与人民同心同德。

我们支持也门的领导层过渡，因为腐朽的现状不再符合人民的利益。

我们与一个广泛的联盟一起，根据联合国安理会（United Nations Security Council）的授权对利比亚进行了干预，因为我们有能力制止对无辜百姓的屠杀，因为我们相信人民的愿望有战胜暴君的力量。

我们今天在这里举行会议之际，我们再一次宣布，巴沙尔·阿萨德（Bashar al-Assad）政权必须下台，从而使叙利亚人民结束苦难，开始迎来新的曙光。

我们采取这些立场是因为我们相信，自由和自决并不专属于某一种文化。这些并不专属于美国的价值观或西方的价值观─而是普遍的价值观。即使向民主的过渡仍将面临巨大的挑战，我坚信归根结底“民有、民治、民享的政府”（government of the people, by the people, and for the people）更有可能创造稳定、繁荣和个人机会，为我们这个世界的和平奠定基础。

为此，让我们记住，这是一个取得进步的时期。突尼斯、埃及和利比亚几十年来第一次为推选新领导人举行可信的、经过竞选程序的公平选举。这种民主精神并不只限于阿拉伯世界。过去这一年，我们看到马拉维和塞内加尔出现权力的和平转移，索马里有了一位新总统。在缅甸，总统释放了政治犯，开放了封闭的社会，一位勇敢的持不同政见者被选入议会，人民正期待未来进行的改革。在全球各地，人民正在发出自己的声音，坚决要求维护固有的尊严和决定自己未来的权利。

然而，最近几周的动荡局势再次提醒我们，通往民主之路并不止于选举投票。纳尔逊·曼德拉（Nelson Mandela）曾说：“赢得自由并非仅仅要打破自身的枷锁，还要以尊重及增进其他人自由的方式生活。”（掌声）

真正的民主不允许公民因个人信仰而被投入监狱；真正的民主确保公司企业无需行贿就能开门营业。民主以公民不怀恐惧地发表言论和集会的自由为支撑，以确保所有人权利的法治和正当程序为支撑。

换言之，真正的民主──真正的自由──要靠艰苦努力。当权者必须抵抗住镇压异见的诱惑。在经济困难的时期，有些国家一定会受到──可能会受到召集人民对抗国内及国外的臆想敌手的诱惑，而不去集中精力从事艰巨的改革工作。

此外，总会有一些人拒绝人类进步──抓住权力不放的独裁者，一味维系现状的腐败势力，以及煽动仇恨、制造隔阂的极端主义分子。从北爱尔兰到南亚、从非洲到美洲、从巴尔干半岛到环太平洋地区，我们目睹了向一种新的政治秩序过渡时可能出现的动荡局面。

有时，冲突起于不同种族或部族之间的分界线；但它们往往还起于调和传统及信仰与现代世界的多样性及相互依赖性时的重重困难。在每个国家中，都有一些人认为不同的宗教信仰构成威胁；在每种文化中，都有一些追求自身自由的人必须扪心自问愿意在多大程度上容忍他人的自由。

这就是我们在最近两周看到的事态发展，一段粗制滥造、令人厌恶的视频在整个穆斯林世界引发强烈愤怒的情况。现在我已明确表示，美国政府与这段视频没有任何关系，而且我坚信所有尊重我们的共同人性的人都必须驳斥其意图。

这不仅是对穆斯林的玷污，也是对美国的玷污──因为正如会场外面的这座城市所展现的，我们是一个热情接纳不同种族和不同信仰的人的国家。我们是全美各地虔诚礼拜的穆斯林的家园。我们不仅尊重宗教自由──我们还制定了保护个人不因外表或信仰而受到伤害的法律。我们理解为什么人们因这段视频而受到冒犯，因为这些人中包括我们的数百万同胞。

我知道有些人会问我们为什么不干脆禁止这样的视频。这个答案铭刻在我国的法律之中：我国宪法保护行使言论自由的权利。

在美国这里，冒犯别人的出版物数不胜数。大多数美国人和我一样是基督教徒，但我们不禁止亵渎我们最神圣的信仰的言论。作为我国的总统和我军的统帅，我接受人们每天都对我语出不敬的事实──（笑声）──而且我还会始终维护他们这样做的权利。（掌声）

美国人民在全世界为保障全体人民表述观点的权利而奋斗乃至献身，哪怕是在我们完全不赞同有关观点的时候。我们这样做并不是因为我们支持仇恨言论，而是因为我们的建国先贤明白，倘若没有这样的保障，每个人表述自己的观点及奉行自己的信仰的能力都可能受到威胁。我们这样做的原因是，在一个多样化的社会中，限制言论的做法可能很快就会变成压制异议者及镇压少数派的手段。

我们这样做的原因是，鉴于信仰在我们生活中的威力以及宗教分歧可能煽起的强烈情绪，遏制仇恨言论的最有力的武器不是镇压，而是各抒己见──发出团结人心反对偏执和亵渎行为的提倡理解和相互尊重的价值观的主张容忍的声音。

但我知道，在这个机制中并非所有会员国都认同这种对于保护言论自由的理解。我们承认这一点。但在2012年，在一个任何持有手机的人只要动一动手指就能将冒犯性言论传遍世界各地的时代，那种认为我们能够控制信息流动的观点已经过时了。而现在的问题是，我们应如何予以回应？

我们在这个问题上必须看法一致：任何言论都不能为滥用暴力开脱。（掌声）任何言词都不能成为杀害无辜的借口。任何一段视频都不能成为袭击一座大使馆的理由。任何诽谤之词都不能成为一些人或在黎巴嫩的餐馆中放火或在突尼斯砸毁学校或在巴基斯坦造成伤亡和损失的托词。

在这个拥有现代技术的现代世界中，我们若采用那些手段回应仇恨言论，就会使散布仇恨言论的人能够借机在全世界制造混乱。我们若那样回应，就会让我们中间的败类得逞。

广义而言，这两周发生的事件也提醒我们所有人必须要坦诚地对待西方世界与正在向民主迈进的阿拉伯世界之间的紧张关系。

请让我说明：正如我们不能解决世界上的每一个问题，美国没有也不会试图左右外国的民主过渡的结果。我们不期望其他国家事事都与我们观点一致，我们也不认为两周来的暴力活动或某些人的仇恨言论代表着绝大多数穆斯林的观点，正如制作这段视频的人的观点并不代表美国人民一样。但我坚持认为，每一个国家的每一位领导人都有义务高声地强烈谴责暴力和极端主义。（掌声）

现在必须孤立那些即使没有直接采用暴力手段却仍将对美国、西方或以色列的仇恨作为政治煽动的核心手段的人。因为这样的手段只会为诉诸暴力的人提供掩饰，有时还会提供借口。

那种类型的政治让东方与西方对立；南边与北边对立；穆斯林、基督徒、印度教徒、犹太人对立，它不会实现自由的希望。它给年轻人带来的是希望的假象。焚烧美国国旗丝毫无助于让孩子受教育。捣毁餐馆不会给人温饱。袭击大使馆不会创造任何就业岗位。那种政治只能让我们更难实现必须通过共同努力才能达到的目标：让我们的孩子受教育，为他们创造就业机会；保护人权，扩大民主的承诺。

要知道，美国决不会退出国际社会。我们要将伤害我们的公民和朋友的凶手绳之以法。我们将与盟友肩并肩。我们有意与其他国家结为伙伴，深化我们在贸易投资、科学技术、能源发展方面的关系──所有这些努力都能够刺激有益于我们全体人民的经济增长，并稳定民主变革成果。但是，这些努力需要有互利互尊的精神才能进行。没有任何政府或公司，也没有任何学校或非政府组织能够在人民安全受威胁的国家中踏实地展开工作。要使合作关系产生效果，我们的公民必须有安全保障，我们的努力必须受到欢迎。

建立在愤怒上的政治──基于让世界变得你我势不两立的政治──不仅阻碍国际合作，而且最终也会伤害到容忍这种政治的人。抵制这种势力符合我们所有人的利益。

让我们不要忘记，极端主义给穆斯林带来最深重的苦难。在我们的文职人员在班加西（Benghazi）遇害的同一天 ，一位几天后即将举行婚礼的土耳其警官在伊斯坦布尔（Istanbul）遭到杀害；十几位也门人在萨那（Sana’a）的汽车炸弹爆炸中丧生；好几名阿富汗儿童的父母痛悼几天前在喀布尔（Kabul）一起自杀炸弹爆炸中失去的孩子。

驱动不容忍和暴力或许一开始是针对西方，但它会逐渐变得无法控制。对极端主义的同样驱动引发逊尼派教徒（Sunni）和什叶派教徒（Shia）、部落与宗族间的交战。它所带来的不是富强繁荣，而是动荡混乱。在不到两年时间里，我们看到大体和平的示威行动给穆斯林占主体的国家带来的变化超过了十年暴力的效果。极端主义者明白这一点。由于他们拿不出任何方式改善人民生活，暴力是他们维持自身存在价值的唯一手段。他们没有建树，只有破坏。

现在是抛弃鼓吹暴力和分裂式政治的时候了。在许许多多问题上，我们都面临是走向希望的未来、还是禁锢在过去的选择。我们没有作错误选择的余地。我们必须把握这一时刻。美国随时准备同所有愿意相信更好未来的人共同努力。

未来决不能属于在埃及攻击科普特基督教徒（Coptic Christians）的人──它必须由曾在解放广场（Tahrir Square）齐声高呼“穆斯林，基督徒，我们是一体“的人来掌握。未来决不能属于凌辱妇女的人──它必须由那些上学读书的女孩子，由那些支持在世界上让我们的女儿能同我们的儿子一样追求理想的人来缔造（掌声）

未来决不能属于盗窃国家资源的少数腐败之徒──它必须让学生和实业家、工人和为全体人民扩大繁荣的工商业主当家作主。美国站在这些男女公民一边；他们的愿景就是我们支持的愿景。

未来决不能属于诽谤伊斯兰先知的人。但要具有信服力，谴责这一诽谤行径的人也 必须谴责我们从画面中看到的亵渎耶稣基督像、捣毁教堂、或否认纳粹大屠杀的行径。（掌声）

让我们谴责煽动攻击苏菲派穆斯林（Sufi Muslims）和什叶派穆斯林朝圣者的行径。现在是重温甘地（Gandhi）话语的时刻 ：“不容忍本身即是一种暴力，是妨碍真正民主精神壮大的障碍。”（掌声）我们齐心协力必须为之奋斗的世界将使我们因彼此间有所不同而更充满活力，而不是被其定格。美国体现着这一理想，我们支持这一理想。

对以色列人和巴勒斯坦人来说，未来决不能属于拒绝和平前景的人。让我们抛开那些靠冲突得势的人，那些拒绝以色列生存权利的人。道路是艰难的，但目标明确──一个安全的、以色列犹太国家与一个独立的、繁荣的巴勒斯坦。（掌声）美国理解，这样的和平必须是通过各方达成公正的协议取得，因此，对于所有准备踏上这一征途的人，美国将伴你们同行。

在叙利亚，未来决不能属于屠杀自己人民的独裁者。如果今天世界有一个原因要呼吁抗议，和平抗议，那就是因为有一个政权在折磨儿童，在向住宅公寓发射火箭。我们必须保持努力，确保不让以公民争取自身权利开始的行动沦为教派暴力循环。

我们必须齐心协力，站在坚信另一种前景的叙利亚人一边，即一个团结的，包容的叙利亚，它的儿童不必惧怕政府，所有叙利亚人──逊尼派和阿拉维派（Alawites），库尔德人（Kurds）和基督徒──都对如何管理国家享有发言权。这是美国所支持的。这是我们将为之努力的结果──要让迫害者受到制裁，承担后果，让为全民利益而奋斗的人得到援助和支持。我们相信，向往这一前景的利比亚人具有领导力量，也具有合法性。

在伊朗，我们看到暴力与不负责任的意识形态之路正在通向何方。伊朗人民有着非凡悠久的历史，许多伊朗人希望与邻人一道过和平富足的生活。但是，伊朗政府在限制自己人民权利的同时，支持大马士革（Damascus）的独裁者，支持海外的恐怖主义组织。它一而再，再而三地坐失机会，不表明其核项目属于和平用途，并且未能满足联合国对它的要求。

因此，我要明确表示：美国希望通过外交途径解决这个问题，我们认为依然存在采取这种解决方式的时间和空间。然而，时间不是无限的。我们尊重各国以和平方式使用核能的权利，联合国的宗旨之一就是确保我们把这种能量用于和平目的。毫无疑问：一个拥有核武器的伊朗不是一个能够制约的挑战。它将威胁到以色列的生存、海湾国家的安全和全球经济的稳定。它可能在该地区触发核军备竞赛，破坏不扩散核武器条约的成果。出于这个原因，一个多国联合阵线要求伊朗政府承担责任。出于同样的原因，美国将采取必要行动防止伊朗取得核武器。

痛苦的经历告诉我们，不尊重国际法和人权，就不可能走上安全与繁荣的道路。这就是为什么这个机构建立于战争的废墟之上。这就是为什么在冷战中自由战胜了暴政。这也是过去二十年的教训。

历史表明，只有那些作出正确选择的人才会得到和平与进步。世界各地的国家都曾走过这条艰难的道路。欧洲曾经是20世纪最血腥的战场，如今团结一致，享有自由与和平。从巴西到南非，从土耳其到韩国，从印度到印尼，不同种族、宗教、传统的国家帮助亿万民众摆脱贫困，同时尊重公民的权利，履行作为国家应尽的责任。

正是由于我在这一生中所见证的进步，特别是在担任总统近四年后所见证的进步，我对我们所生活的这个世界才充满希望。伊拉克的战争已经结束。美国军队已经返回家园。我们在阿富汗开始了过渡，我们和我们的盟友将在2014年如期结束战争。“基地”组织被削弱，乌萨马·本·拉登已经不复存在。各国共同努力，确保核材料的安全，美国和俄罗斯正在削减军备。我们看到人们作出了困难的抉择──从内比都到开罗到阿比让──公民被赋予更大的力量。

面临经济挑战，世界各国齐心协力，增进繁荣。通过20国集团，我们与新兴国家合作，帮助世界经济持续复苏。美国实施了刺激增长、打破依赖的发展议程，与非洲领导人携手努力，帮助他们满足自己国家的食品供应。新的伙伴关系旨在打击腐败，促进政府开放透明。[我们]通过“平等未来伙伴关系”（Equal Futures Partnership）作出了新承诺，确保女性能够充分参与政治活动，利用机会。今天晚些时候，我将介绍我们在打击罪恶的人口贩运活动中所做的努力。

所有这一切都使我看到希望。但是，给我带来最大希望的不是我们的行动，不是领导人的行动──而是我所见到的那些普通人。美国军人为了万里以外的陌生人甘冒失去肢体乃至生命的风险；雅加达或汉城的学生充满热忱地用他们的知识增进人类福祉；布拉格广场上或加纳议会中一张张为追求民主理想而呼吁的面庞；里约热内卢贫民窟中和孟买学校里闪烁着希望之光的青少年的眼睛。这些不同种族、不同信仰的男人、女人和孩子们使我想起，相对于电视镜头中的每一群暴民，世界上都有保持类似希望和理想的亿万民众。他们告诉我们：人性息息相通。

在我们的世界中，人们太过于关注我们的分歧。这就是我们在新闻中看到的内容。这就是我们在政治辩论中一再重复的内容。但是，如果我们剥离其表象，世界各地的人都渴望能有决定自己命运的自由、工作带来的尊严、信仰带来的安慰、政府服务于人民──而不是与此相反──时所产生的公正。

美利坚合众国将永远支持这些理想，不仅为我们自己，也为了世界各地的人民。这正是我们的建国理念。这正是我们的历史使命。这也是克里斯·史蒂文斯终生为之努力的目标。

我可以向各位承诺：在杀人凶手被绳之以法后的长期岁月里，克里斯·史蒂文斯的奉献将继续体现于他所改变的那些生命之中──包括成千上万走上班加西街头抗议暴力的民众，包括那些把他们的“脸谱”换成克里斯的照片的利比亚人，还将体现于这样一些言简意赅的标语牌中：“克里斯·史蒂文斯是所有利比亚人的朋友。”

他们应当让我们感受到希望。他们应当使我们记住，只要我们坚持不懈地努力，正义终将得到伸张，历史站在我们一边，自由的潮流势不可挡，永远不会逆转。

多谢各位。（掌声）

美国东部夏令时上午10:16