|
My Fellow-Citizens:
WHEN we assembled here on the 4th of March, 1897, there was great
anxiety with regard to our currency and credit. None exists now. Then
our Treasury receipts were inadequate to meet the current obligations of
the Government. Now they are sufficient for all public needs, and we
have a surplus instead of a deficit. Then I felt constrained to convene
the Congress in extraordinary session to devise revenues to pay the
ordinary expenses of the Government. Now I have the satisfaction to
announce that the Congress just closed has reduced taxation in the sum
of $41,000,000. Then there was deep solicitude because of the long
depression in our manufacturing, mining, agricultural, and mercantile
industries and the consequent distress of our laboring population. Now
every avenue of production is crowded with activity, labor is well
employed, and American products find good markets at home and abroad.
Our diversified productions, however, are increasing in such
unprecedented volume as to admonish us of the necessity of still further
enlarging our foreign markets by broader commercial relations. For this
purpose reciprocal trade arrangements with other nations should in
liberal spirit be carefully cultivated and promoted.
The national verdict of 1896 has for the most part been executed.
Whatever remains unfulfilled is a continuing obligation resting with
undiminished force upon the Executive and the Congress. But fortunate as
our condition is, its permanence can only be assured by sound business
methods and strict economy in national administration and legislation.
We should not permit our great prosperity to lead us to reckless
ventures in business or profligacy in public expenditures. While the
Congress determines the objects and the sum of appropriations, the
officials of the executive departments are responsible for honest and
faithful disbursement, and it should be their constant care to avoid
waste and extravagance.
Honesty, capacity, and industry are nowhere more indispensable than in
public employment. These should be fundamental requisites to original
appointment and the surest guaranties against removal.
Four years ago we stood on the brink of war without the people knowing
it and without any preparation or effort at preparation for the
impending peril. I did all that in honor could be done to avert the war,
but without avail. It became inevitable; and the Congress at its first
regular session, without party division, provided money in anticipation
of the crisis and in preparation to meet it. It came. The result was
signally favorable to American arms and in the highest degree honorable
to the Government. It imposed upon us obligations from which we cannot
escape and from which it would be dishonorable to seek escape. We are
now at peace with the world, and it is my fervent prayer that if
differences arise between us and other powers they may be settled by
peaceful arbitration and that hereafter we may be spared the horrors of
war.
Intrusted by the people for a second time with the office of President,
I enter upon its administration appreciating the great responsibilities
which attach to this renewed honor and commission, promising unreserved
devotion on my part to their faithful discharge and reverently invoking
for my guidance the direction and favor of Almighty God. I should shrink
from the duties this day assumed if I did not feel that in their
performance I should have the co-operation of the wise and patriotic men
of all parties. It encourages me for the great task which I now
undertake to believe that those who voluntarily committed to me the
trust imposed upon the Chief Executive of the Republic will give to me
generous support in my duties to "preserve, protect, and defend, the
Constitution of the United States" and to "care that the laws be
faithfully executed." The national purpose is indicated through a
national election. It is the constitutional method of ascertaining the
public will. When once it is registered it is a law to us all, and
faithful observance should follow its decrees.
Strong hearts and helpful hands are needed, and, fortunately, we have
them in every part of our beloved country. We are reunited. Sectionalism
has disappeared. Division on public questions can no longer be traced by
the war maps of 1861. These old differences less and less disturb the
judgment. Existing problems demand the thought and quicken the
conscience of the country, and the responsibility for their presence, as
well as for their righteous settlement, rests upon us all—no more upon
me than upon you. There are some national questions in the solution of
which patriotism should exclude partisanship. Magnifying their
difficulties will not take them off our hands nor facilitate their
adjustment. Distrust of the capacity, integrity, and high purposes of
the American people will not be an inspiring theme for future political
contests. Dark pictures and gloomy forebodings are worse than useless.
These only becloud, they do not help to point the way of safety and
honor. "Hope maketh not ashamed." The prophets of evil were not the
builders of the Republic, nor in its crises since have they saved or
served it. The faith of the fathers was a mighty force in its creation,
and the faith of their descendants has wrought its progress and
furnished its defenders. They are obstructionists who despair, and who
would destroy confidence in the ability of our people to solve wisely
and for civilization the mighty problems resting upon them. The American
people, intrenched in freedom at home, take their love for it with them
wherever they go, and they reject as mistaken and unworthy the doctrine
that we lose our own liberties by securing the enduring foundations of
liberty to others. Our institutions will not deteriorate by extension,
and our sense of justice will not abate under tropic suns in distant
seas. As heretofore, so hereafter will the nation demonstrate its
fitness to administer any new estate which events devolve upon it, and
in the fear of God will "take occasion by the hand and make the bounds
of freedom wider yet." If there are those among us who would make our
way more difficult, we must not be disheartened, but the more earnestly
dedicate ourselves to the task upon which we have rightly entered. The
path of progress is seldom smooth. New things are often found hard to
do. Our fathers found them so. We find them so. They are inconvenient.
They cost us something. But are we not made better for the effort and
sacrifice, and are not those we serve lifted up and blessed?
We will be consoled, too, with the fact that opposition has confronted
every onward movement of the Republic from its opening hour until now,
but without success. The Republic has marched on and on, and its step
has exalted freedom and humanity. We are undergoing the same ordeal as
did our predecessors nearly a century ago. We are following the course
they blazed. They triumphed. Will their successors falter and plead
organic impotency in the nation? Surely after 125 years of achievement
for mankind we will not now surrender our equality with other powers on
matters fundamental and essential to nationality. With no such purpose
was the nation created. In no such spirit has it developed its full and
independent sovereignty. We adhere to the principle of equality among
ourselves, and by no act of ours will we assign to ourselves a
subordinate rank in the family of nations.
My fellow-citizens, the public events of the past four years have gone
into history. They are too near to justify recital. Some of them were
unforeseen; many of them momentous and far-reaching in their
consequences to ourselves and our relations with the rest of the world.
The part which the United States bore so honorably in the thrilling
scenes in China, while new to American life, has been in harmony with
its true spirit and best traditions, and in dealing with the results its
policy will be that of moderation and fairness.
We face at this moment a most important question that of the future
relations of the United States and Cuba. With our near neighbors we must
remain close friends. The declaration of the purposes of this Government
in the resolution of April 20, 1898, must be made good. Ever since the
evacuation of the island by the army of Spain, the Executive, with all
practicable speed, has been assisting its people in the successive steps
necessary to the establishment of a free and independent government
prepared to assume and perform the obligations of international law
which now rest upon the United States under the treaty of Paris. The
convention elected by the people to frame a constitution is approaching
the completion of its labors. The transfer of American control to the
new government is of such great importance, involving an obligation
resulting from our intervention and the treaty of peace, that I am glad
to be advised by the recent act of Congress of the policy which the
legislative branch of the Government deems essential to the best
interests of Cuba and the United States. The principles which led to our
intervention require that the fundamental law upon which the new
government rests should be adapted to secure a government capable of
performing the duties and discharging the functions of a separate
nation, of observing its international obligations of protecting life
and property, insuring order, safety, and liberty, and conforming to the
established and historical policy of the United States in its relation
to Cuba.
The peace which we are pledged to leave to the Cuban people must carry
with it the guaranties of permanence. We became sponsors for the
pacification of the island, and we remain accountable to the Cubans, no
less than to our own country and people, for the reconstruction of Cuba
as a free commonwealth on abiding foundations of right, justice,
liberty, and assured order. Our enfranchisement of the people will not
be completed until free Cuba shall "be a reality, not a name; a perfect
entity, not a hasty experiment bearing within itself the elements of
failure."
While the treaty of peace with Spain was ratified on the 6th of
February, 1899, and ratifications were exchanged nearly two years ago,
the Congress has indicated no form of government for the Philippine
Islands. It has, however, provided an army to enable the Executive to
suppress insurrection, restore peace, give security to the inhabitants,
and establish the authority of the United States throughout the
archipelago. It has authorized the organization of native troops as
auxiliary to the regular force. It has been advised from time to time of
the acts of the military and naval officers in the islands, of my action
in appointing civil commissions, of the instructions with which they
were charged, of their duties and powers, of their recommendations, and
of their several acts under executive commission, together with the very
complete general information they have submitted. These reports fully
set forth the conditions, past and present, in the islands, and the
instructions clearly show the principles which will guide the Executive
until the Congress shall, as it is required to do by the treaty,
determine "the civil rights and political status of the native
inhabitants." The Congress having added the sanction of its authority to
the powers already possessed and exercised by the Executive under the
Constitution, thereby leaving with the Executive the responsibility for
the government of the Philippines, I shall continue the efforts already
begun until order shall be restored throughout the islands, and as fast
as conditions permit will establish local governments, in the formation
of which the full co-operation of the people has been already invited,
and when established will encourage the people to administer them. The
settled purpose, long ago proclaimed, to afford the inhabitants of the
islands self-government as fast as they were ready for it will be
pursued with earnestness and fidelity. Already something has been
accomplished in this direction. The Government's representatives, civil
and military, are doing faithful and noble work in their mission of
emancipation and merit the approval and support of their countrymen. The
most liberal terms of amnesty have already been communicated to the
insurgents, and the way is still open for those who have raised their
arms against the Government for honorable submission to its authority.
Our countrymen should not be deceived. We are not waging war against the
inhabitants of the Philippine Islands. A portion of them are making war
against the United States. By far the greater part of the inhabitants
recognize American sovereignty and welcome it as a guaranty of order and
of security for life, property, liberty, freedom of conscience, and the
pursuit of happiness. To them full protection will be given. They shall
not be abandoned. We will not leave the destiny of the loyal millions
the islands to the disloyal thousands who are in rebellion against the
United States. Order under civil institutions will come as soon as those
who now break the peace shall keep it. Force will not be needed or used
when those who make war against us shall make it no more. May it end
without further bloodshed, and there be ushered in the reign of peace to
be made permanent by a government of liberty under law! |
